God of the Machine – Page 45 – Culling my readers to a manageable elite since 2002.
Oct 142002
 

Eldred v. Ashcroft, as everyone knows, is a challenge to the 1998 Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act, which retroactively extended the term of copyright, in the individual case, from the life of the author and 50 years to the life of the author and 70 years, and in the corporate case, from 75 to 95 years. In 1841, in England, a copyright question very like it was being debated in Parliament. At the time the law granted copyright to an author for the period of his lifetime or 28 years, whichever was longer. Serjeant Talfourd proposed to extend this to life and 60 years, which is almost exactly what the Sonny Bono Copyright Protection Law does. Thomas Macaulay, who favored protection for life or 42 years, whichever was longer, spoke against Talfourd’s proposal in the House of Commons. (Macaulay may be familiar from his other gig, as the greatest historian who ever lived.) Obviously his remarks do not go to the question of the legal grounds on which Eldred v. Ashcroft will be decided; Eugene Volokh and Larry Lessig, among others, have covered this aspect nicely. But on the question of what constitutes a reasonable period for copyright protection, Macaulay makes the following still-relevant points.

1. Copyright is a question of expediency, not of right.

Many of those who have written and petitioned against the existing state of things treat the question as one of right. The law of nature, according to them, gives to every man a sacred and indefeasible property in his own ideas, in the fruits of his own reason and imagination….

Now, Sir, if this be so, let justice be done, cost what it may. I am not prepared like my honorable and learned friend, to agree to a compromise between right and expediency, and to commit an injustice for the public convenience. But I must say, that this theory soars far beyond the reach of my faculties…

Mine too. The “principled” positions in this dispute, as Macaulay points out, are copyright protection in perpetuity or none at all. The Ayn Rand Institute, for example, by way of supporting the government, inadvertently makes the case for perpetuity. Amy Peikoff, writing on their behalf, asks rhetorically, “How is the Court…to ‘balance the interests’ of original thinkers against those for whom ‘creativity’ consists of cannibalizing — and even vandalizing — the products of others’ thought?” This argument, of course, applies with equal force to any limitation of the term of copyright, like the one in the Bono Act, which she asserts, in the same article, is reasonable.

The alternative position, no protection at all, is not respectable enough to be defended very seriously by anyone in theory, although it is enthusiastically practiced by many foreign governments, like the Chinese. The rest of us, as the old joke goes, are just quibbling about the price.

2. Copyright is a monopoly, and monopolies are bad, generally speaking.

Copyright is monopoly, and produces all the effects which the general voice of mankind attributes to monopoly. My honourable and learned friend talks very contemptuously of those who are led away by the theory that monopoly makes things dear…It is a theory in the same sense in which it is a theory, that day and night follow each other, that lead is heavier than water, that bread nourishes, that arsenic poisons, that alcohol intoxicates… It is good that authors be remunerated; and the least exceptionable way of remunerating them is by a monopoly. Yet monopoly is an evil. For the sake of the good we must submit to the evil; but the evil ought not to last a day longer than is necessary for the purpose of securing the good.

Note that copyright is a true monopoly, an exclusive franchise protected by law, like Con Edison or the U.S. Postal Service — not just a company with a lot of market share, like Microsoft or Standard Oil. And here we see the real, and legitimate, interests being balanced, not “original thinkers” and “vandals,” but producers and consumers of copyrighted material.

3. Lengthy copyright protection creates a diminishing return for the producer but a constant tax for the consumer.

[T]he evil effects of monopoly are proportioned to the length of its duration. But the good effects for the sake of which we bear with the evil effects are by no means proportioned to the length of its duration. A monopoly of sixty years produces twice as much evil as a monopoly of thirty years, and thrice as much evil as a monopoly of twenty years. But it is by no means the fact that a posthumous monopoly of sixty years gives to the author thrice as much pleasure and thrice as strong a motive as a posthumous monopoly of twenty years. On the contrary, the difference is so small as to be hardly perceptible… [A]n advantage that is to be enjoyed more than half a century after we are dead, by somebody, we know not by whom, perhaps by somebody unborn, by somebody utterly unconnected with us, is really no motive at all to action… this is the sort of boon which my honorable and learned friend holds out to authors. Considered as a boon to them, it is a mere nullity; but, considered as an impost on the public, it is no nullity, but a very serious and pernicious reality.

He convinces me. Eldred will be decided on other grounds than these. But Congress might have accounted for some of these arguments before passing the Bono Act in the first place.

(Update: The highly economically literate Robert Musil disagrees with me. His remarks on how the difficulty of present valuing future goods pertains to the Bono Act are here, here and here, in that order. Colby Cosh also comments.)

(Another One: The oral argument transcript.)

(And Another: Julian Sanchez discusses the Founders’ view of IP.)

Oct 102002
 

Arthur Silber, an Objectivist who runs an excellent blog and has been kind enough to recommend me into the bargain, and whom I’m about to pay back with my usual graciousness, complains that “our foreign policy still lacks overall, long-term principles.” And he tells us what these principles ought to be, viz., that the U.S. ought to consider only its own interests; and that the U.S., being the freest country in the world, has the moral right to invade any country that systematically oppresses its own citizens, which definitely includes Iraq.

Fine. I agree with Arthur. I daresay most of Arthur’s readers agree with Arthur. I think most sentient people this side of Noam Chomsky agree with Arthur, as Arthur himself acknowledges when in the same post he points out the declining respectability of the “self-determination” argument. Almost everyone agrees on these principles because it is safe to do so, since they provide no practical guidance whatever. Arthur is flogging a horse that, if it isn’t quite dead, is at least very ill. On the critical question of whether we should actually invade Iraq, Arthur concludes, resoundingly, that he has no idea:

I don’t spend a great deal of time analyzing whether we ought to invade Iraq or Iran, as opposed to helping those people and groups passionately committed to replacing those countries’ current regimes, or as opposed to some other kind of military action, either overt or covert. Let me be clear: certainly I want a ruler like Saddam Hussein gone — and yesterday, if possible. And I view him as a very serious danger to us, and to the entire civilized world. But I view the question as to exactly in what manner to achieve this end to be one of military tactics and strategy — and I am certain there is a wealth of information, which is undoubtedly highly classified, that is critically relevant to answering this question. Thus, I simply don’t have the required information to reach an informed conclusion. This certainly doesn’t mean that I’m not interested in the answer; of course I am. I only mean that, in the context of knowledge available to me, I simply don’t have sufficient information to reach a conclusion that I myself would find satisfactory.

I respectfully submit that we have a good deal of information already. We know that Saddam pays off people who kill Americans. We know that he has colluded to have Americans murdered. We know that he murders his own people by the hundreds of thousands. We know that he is pursuing nuclear weapons. What theoretically classified information would allow Arthur to reach a conclusion on Iraq? And what — subject to the facts, of course — would that conclusion be?

Objectivists are often loath to discuss foreign policy because foreign policy is largely a matter of strategy and tactics, which are so grubby and, well, unphilosophical. This is fine for Objectivism — a philosophy need not be a foreign policy. It is not fine for Objectivists. For the next several years the most serious issue facing this country will be how to deal with Islamo-fascism, and what is in “the self-interest of the United States” will involve messy, ineluctable questions of strategy and tactics, not just lofty philosophic generalities. Arthur asks why we should invade Iraq, as opposed to North Korea or China. In the realm of philosophy that is impossible to answer: none of these regimes is “better” or “worse” than the others in any intelligible sense. But in the realm of politics it is easy to answer: the Middle East is making the most trouble for us these days, Iraq is in the middle of it, eliminating Saddam will destabilize the other dictators down there, and none of this will happen by itself. These are all unphilosophical arguments, but that’s foreign policy.

To be fair, Arthur acknowledges that his foreign policy views are a work in progress and has promised to write further on the subject, and I look forward to his sorting some of these matters out.

Oct 092002
 

Carl McCall has been looking especially dour lately. You almost have to feel sorry for a Democrat who makes “education” (cf. The Children™) the chief theme of his campaign and then can’t convince the New York City teacher’s union to endorse him. Then you read to the bottom of the story and see this:

Meanwhile, McCall backed restoring thousands of city apartments to rent control. He said he would reverse a 1997 law signed by Pataki that removes controls if the monthly rent hits $2,000 and the tenant earns at least $150,000.

No rent deregulation, in New York, is so mild that it escapes the wrath of some friend of the working man. The direct beneficiaries, whose rent is controlled, and the indirect beneficiaries, who own, always gang up on the victims, who rent, or who can’t afford to move here at all because the housing market is so absurd. The constituency for rent control here is so firmly entrenched that it doesn’t bother with arguments any more. (Full disclosure: I own my apartment. Nice try.)

This kindles fond memories of State Senate Majority Leader Joe Bruno’s oh-so-radical proposal, a few years ago, that rent-controlled apartment go back on the market when their current residents died. The one semi-serious argument in favor of rent control was the “widows and orphans” problem — all those poor people thrown into the street, eating out of garbage cans, the minute rent controls were lifted. Well, you’d think Bruno’s proposal would dispose of that, right? Wrong. It was soundly defeated, and we haven’t heard a word about rent deregulation in New York City since.

Oct 082002
 

I oppose mild gun laws, because they don’t work and cultivating disrespect for the law by passing ineffective laws is a bad idea; and I oppose harsh gun laws, because they do work, and disarming the citizenry is a worse idea. That said, I suspect the shootings in Maryland are exactly the sort of crime that Draconian gun laws would discourage. Susanna Cornett plausibly speculates — Susanna is always plausible — that the Maryland perp is employed, reasonably functional, without a criminal record, and an ardent gun hobbyist. (Also white, male and in his 30s or 40s, which is less relevant for our purposes.) If owning guns were essentially illegal, wouldn’t shooting sprees of this type by otherwise law-abiding people be among the first things to go?

The Brady Campaign, oddly, says it will “refuse to capitalize” on the shootings in Maryland, when to do so would be far less dishonest than usual.

Oct 082002
 

Many poets write about writing poetry; Allan at Rough Days links to a long list. This makes sense, because poets spend a lot of time writing poems. But few poets write about reading poetry, which is odd, because poets (one hopes) spend even more time reading poems. The best poem I know about reading poetry is by J.V. Cunningham. It says that the poem lives only in the mind of the intelligent reader, not on the page, and that to reconstruct the poem, to enter so far into the thoughts of someone else, is itself a creative act.

Poets survive in fame.
But how can substance trade
The body for a name
Wherewith no soul’s arrayed?

No form inspires the clay
Now breathless of what was,
Save the imputed sway
Of some Pythagoras,

Some man so deftly mad
His metamorphosed shade,
Leaving the flesh it had,
Breathes on the words they made.