God of the Machine – Page 36 – Culling my readers to a manageable elite since 2002.
Dec 202002
 

Partisanship is loyalty to a person, or a party, over a principle. It sounds silly. Yet often it is proper.

Rational people, confronted with believing their friend or a stranger, will choose their friend, absent other evidence. This partisanship is amply justified; your friend gets the benefit of the doubt by virtue of being your friend. Since this is looked on favorably, it is usually called not partisanship but loyalty.

A classically partisan decision, in politics, is to vote for a candidate of your preferred party, say the Republicans, over one in the opposing party, say the Democrats, with whom you more closely agree. This too can be rational, provided you have a strong enough preference for Republican over Democratic policies. It is matter of calculating how far your principles will likely be advanced by the preferences of the individual candidates against the party discipline to which each will be subjected. One can err in such a calculation, but voting for the Republican is not wrong on its face.

Wrongful partisanship occurs when you allow your emotions about a person, or a group of beliefs a person holds, to blind you to the merits of that person’s particular view. If you despise Hillary Clinton it is difficult not to find reasons to oppose whatever she supports. On the rare occasions that she is right you will be wrong, out of foolishness and obstinacy. I have a woolly-headed lefty friend who enjoys arguing politics with me despite the fact that he is almost always wrong. He is in thrall to so many fundamental errors that it is nearly impossible for him to see the truth on any issue. I therefore, as a default, if I haven’t already formed a view, oppose whatever he opines. Yet he has been right, like a stopped clock, a few times over the years, and I have been slow to come around every time in my assurance that he couldn’t be right, he’s never right. I am persuaded by this experience that wrongful partisanship is nearly always, at bottom, not partisanship for, but partisanship against.

Dec 192002
 

And you were thinking Tawana Brawley was so 1987:

Everybody’s doing it!

(Update: I used to have Jews in there. No doubt such instances exist. But since all of the Internet sources for Jewish hate crime hoaxes turn out to be, shall we say, interested (see the comments), I removed them.)

Dec 172002
 

One must admire AC Douglas for trying to define art at all, even if the attempt is less than satisfactory:

Which brings me to my primary — and at the same time, ultimate — criterion for judging whether a work is genuine art or not, whatever its medium: The Jabberwocky Test. If a work fails that test on first and repeated apprehensions it’s unquestionably and irredeemably non-art, and to the extent it meets the test is it art of greater or lesser degree.

“Somehow it seems to fill my head with ideas — only I don’t exactly know what they are!” exclaimed Alice after reading Jabberwocky the first time. The capacity of a work to produce that feeling in the receiver is almost a very definition of genuine art, and regardless of its medium, any work absent that quality is most assuredly non-art.

As a determiner of art and non-art, I’ve found The Jabberwocky Test to be virtually infallible, and the Rowells’ spectacular landscape photographs fail the test — most resoundingly. De mortuis nihil nisi bonum said the ancient sage. But in matters as important as art, truth trumps…everything.

I, less courageous than Douglas, will not suggest a universal definition of art. Such things fall into three categories. The artist-centric view finds its apotheosis in Picasso: “Whatever I spit, that is art.” Unfortunately this view spawns many competing claims, before which we will be in the approximate position of the Internal Revenue Service evaluating the tax-exempt status of churches in California.

I used to sympathize with the art-centric view that what makes art art is some formal quality of the work itself. Finding a quality that all forms of art share is the difficulty. Art as imitation is about the best theory of this type that history has produced, but even it founders on music, which doesn’t imitate anything I can discern.

The Jabberwocky Test is an audience-centric theory, and it has distinguished company, notably Aristotle’s catharsis theory of tragedy. But all audience-centric theories are subjectivist, and the Jabberwocky Test more than most. Suppose that Wagner inspires ideas of je ne sais quoi in Douglas, while Douglas’s philistine neighbor claims that Pachelbel’s Canon does the same for him. We should trust Douglas, of course, because Douglas has shown himself to be a sensitive and acute critic, and anyway all people of sensibility know that Pachelbel’s Canon is trash. The Jabberwocky Test, however, gives us no reason to privilege Douglas’s opinions.

Oddly, bad art has disappeared here entirely, leaving only good art and non-art. There is art that Douglas loathes, such as Debussy, but if I understand him correctly, Debussy isn’t exactly bad, just out of tune, as it were, with the Douglas sensibility. And what remains after the test has been applied is all on the same footing. An aspiring work of art either passes or fails — no honors grades. Yet a proper definition of art should not only remove the chaff but distinguish among the wheat. Douglas speaks of “extents,” but I find it difficult to imagine one work of art filling the head with more ideas then another. Seeing as the ideas are all inscrutable, how would one even count?

In lieu of a definition, I propose a heuristic: The Ninth-Grade Test. In ninth grade I decided to torture my English teacher, who assigned us Romeo and Juliet, by demanding to know why, exactly, we had to read Shakespeare. Why not some current popular novel, or Led Zeppelin lyrics? Any theory of art that can’t offer a smart-ass ninth grader a reasonable answer to this question is dead on arrival.

Poor Miss Starr didn’t acquit herself very well. But I doubt the Jabberwocky Test would have helped her much.

Dec 172002
 

Henceforth, From the Mind

Henceforth, from the mind,
For your whole joy, must spring
Such joy as you may find
In any earthly thing,
And every time and place
Will take your thought for grace.

Henceforth, from the tongue,
From shallow speech alone,
Comes joy you thought, when young,
Would wring you to the bone,
Would pierce you to the heart,
And spoil its stop and start.

Henceforward, from the shell,
Wherein you heard, and wondered
At oceans like a bell
So far from ocean sundered —
A smothered sound that sleeps
Long lost within lost deeps,

Will chime you change and hours,
The shadow of increase,
Will sound you flowers
Born under troubled peace —
Henceforth, henceforth
Will echo sea and earth.

–Louise Bogan

Two things to notice about this poem. The first line in the third stanza is a metrical miracle. The poem is written in iambic trimeter, and the first lines of the first two stanzas omit the first unaccented syllable. “Henceforward” puts it back in, but with a variation on “henceforth,” accentuating the time shift in a way that is beyond my powers to describe but no less real for that. If you do not hear it then you are not reading this poem, or poetry in general, with the attention to sound that it requires.

The poem says that as abstraction becomes more interesting, experience, that blooming buzzing confusion, becomes less so. One has to be of a certain age and temperament to understand this thought, and most people who read poetry are neither. This is why the several great poems on this theme (like this one) are obscure and underrated.

Dec 142002
 

Let’s briefly review the obvious. Baseball’s Rule 21, of which Pete Rose was acutely aware, states that any player who bets on a baseball game will be banned for one year, and if he bets on a game in which he has a duty to perform he will be banned for life. The rules of the Hall of Fame state that any ineligible player cannot be elected. Therefore, if you believe that Pete Rose bet on Reds games while managing the Reds, you are obliged to conclude a) that Rose should not to be reinstated or elected; or b) that Rule 21 must be changed. Nobody seems to be arguing for b), so everyone must buy into a), right?

Wrong. Instead we hear:

1. Rose should be reinstated, but only if he apologizes. This, the grand prize winner for senselessness, is — surprise! — the line that major league baseball appears to be pursuing. If Rose bet on Reds games, “I’m sorry” makes no difference, sorry. There’s no contrition exemption in Rule 21. If he didn’t bet on baseball at all, of course, he has nothing to apologize for. And if he bet on baseball but not on Reds games, then he’s served the one-year suspension that the offense warrants, plus twelve. No apology necessary; and none desired, frankly. I know therapy is practically a duty these days, but could we, this one time, just do without closure?

2. Gambling is no big deal. Gambling is no big deal if you bet on Reds games; no big deal if I bet on Reds games. A rather big deal if the manager of the Reds bets on Reds games.

A closely related view is that pipeheads like Howe and Strawberry, who did worse things than Rose, got second, third and eighth chances. Other guys in the Hall of Fame, like Cobb and Hornsby, were far bigger creeps than Rose. But the comparative argument is a red herring. We’re discussing Rose: judgments of other cases, for other offenses, can never be dispositive. You want to talk about Howe and Strawberry, be my guest.

This is a not very subtle form of context-shifting. Strawberry’s drug use, which destroyed his talent, is “worse” for him. It does not follow that it is “worse” for baseball to use drugs than to bet on games in which you participate, and it is this second sense of “worse” that we are supposed to be considering.

3. Gambling is OK, as long as you don’t bet against your own team. First, betting on your own team violates a well-known rule. Rules have to be drawn somewhere, and here is as good a place as any. Second, the potential for corruption is very large, as Gerald Posner says:

The possibility exists that decisions won’t be made in the team’s best interests, but rather because of the money riding on the game. If a manager bets on a game, he may bring a player off injured reserves sooner than he should in order to win, or he may pitch a reliever without enough rest, not caring that he won’t be able to pitch for several extra days. If a betting manager gets in large debt to bookies, he can clear his account by merely revealing inside information about the team. The opportunity for corruption is greatly increased. This is not to suggest that Rose compromised the Reds in any way. The chance that such impropriety could result is the reason for such a strict taboo on betting baseball.

4. Rose was a great player. For most of his career Rose was a great player. For the last third he was a serious liability, hanging on only to break the hits record. But Rose certainly merits election on his playing record. If he didn’t, we wouldn’t be having this discussion. There is very little sense in debating the Hall-of-Fame eligibility of someone who wouldn’t be elected if he were eligible. The contrary argument, more rarely but occasionally heard, that Rose wasn’t really a great player, suffers from the same logical deficiencies, along with factual inaccuracy.

5. Nobody is entitled to an opinion about Rose’s gambling who hasn’t read the Dowd Report. Well, I haven’t read Newton’s Principia either: am I entitled to an opinion about gravity? I will remain among the sluggards who haven’t read the whole report; it runs to hundreds of dull pages and I cannot interest myself sufficiently in the matter. But I have read the sections excerpted in an admirable article by Derek Zumsteg six weeks ago. Several witnesses with nothing to gain said Rose bet on the Reds, including one of his bookies, Ron Peters, who says he took bets from Rose directly. The betting slips indicate that Rose bet on the Reds. Bill James’ famous defense of Rose is tendentious at best, dishonest at worst. Zumsteg sticks to the evidence and it is devastating. The people who have read the Dowd Report and box the ears of the rest of us have had plenty of time to refute Zumsteg. No one has. In any case, it is not too much to ask, I think, that discussion of Pete Rose be confined to the question of whether he bet on Reds games.

Still, in some company even our editorialists look good. In a recent ESPN Internet poll more than 60% of the voters supported Rose’s reinstatement even if it can be shown that he bet against the Reds. Not on the Reds, mind you: against the Reds. Even after correcting for sample bias, we can safely conclude that at least 60% of the voters in a particular Internet poll are moral, not to say mental, defectives.


John Perricone comments. I asked John to refute Derek Zumsteg’s piece on Rose. This he declines to do, arguing instead that major league baseball wouldn’t have demanded that Rose sign an agreement if it had had compelling evidence that Rose bet on the Reds. Of course this cuts both ways: if Rose was innocent, or even if he bet on baseball but not the Reds, why would he sign this extremely punitive agreement instead of taking his one-year suspension? Rule 21 allows, as John points out, for bans “in the best interest of baseball,” but let’s face it, nobody’s gonna be suspended, let alone Rose, for betting on college basketball and tax trouble.

Mike Carminati comments. He’s had a pretty good crack at the Dowd Report.

Dec 122002
 

Arthur Silber, who used to be Ayn Rand’s personal secretary, tells an interesting story about her. You should read the whole thing, but the upshot is that she bought a Russian opera record she craved, in violation of the official Objectivist policy of refusing to buy from the Soviets.

For Arthur the moral is to distinguish between “principles — which are of crucial importance — and rules, which are merely formulaic versions of principles, applied by rote and without the much-needed attention to context, including personal context.” That’s an important moral, but of some other story, not this one. This story tells us that boycotts are silly. The value that anyone gains from a purchase, let alone what Ayn Rand would have gained from this particular purchase, so far outweighs the damage inflicted on the target by refusing to buy, that such policies are impossible to justify by ethical egoism. On the other hand, if you’re a golden-rule Kantian (if nobody bought Soviet then the regime would collapse) or an altruist (my petty purchase doesn’t matter, I’m doing this for the greater good), then boycotts make a lot more sense.

It’s no accident that boycotts are especially popular with the left. They’re passive (the virtue of not doing something), inwardly warming, and utterly useless.

Dec 112002
 

Trent Lott, as everyone knows, is a hair guy. But what sort of hair guy is he?

Fly Not quite so fly

On the left, the silky tresses of John Kerry (D-Christophe). On the right, the over-aerosoled helmet of Trent Lott (R-Some guy with more than one name). Note the grainy texture. The unbroken crescent across the center. The eerie near-symmetry about the X-axis. Ladies, which coif do you want to run your hands through? Is it even a contest?

There is plenty of room, God knows, for hair guys in the Senate. But unless the Republicans elect the #1 hair guy Majority Leader they shouldn’t elect a hair guy at all. The conclusion is ineluctable. Lott must go.

Dec 102002
 

Publish me! Al Barger recycles the tale that Emily Dickinson had no desire to be published and wrote for no one but herself: “She was a freaky little recluse who showed very little interest in actually publishing her poetry. Renown was of no interest to her.”

In fact she went a good deal out of her way to be published, and struck up a correspondence with T.W. Higginson, editor of The Atlantic Monthly and probably the most famous journalist of his time, with exactly that in mind. She was coy about it to be sure, sending Higginson a few poems and asking him “Are you too deeply occupied to say if my verse is alive?” But her intentions were clear enough. Higginson proved himself too thick to understand her poetry. “He seems to have suggested,” her biographer George Whicher writes, “that she abandon the struggle to write in meter and rhyme and follow the example of Whitman.” Her friend Helen Hunt Jackson, the popular novelist, was worse: she published “Success is counted sweetest” without her permission and edited it to boot. (Jackson changed the fourth line to “Requires the sorest need”; the reader can judge the result for himself.) Dickinson finally retreated from society, as Yvor Winters remarked, because she was excluded. She was freakish in the sense of being far more intelligent than her contemporaries.

Dickinson also allowed two other poems to be published in her lifetime, tinkered endlessly with her poems, leaving as many a dozen or more variants of some, and bound them all up carefully to make sure they were preserved. Renown interested her a great deal.

Not that it’s any use to say so. The Dickinson legend appeals profoundly to unpublished writers and it will doubtless live forever.

Dec 102002
 

There is something niggling and petty about the affirmative action debate. I speak with some authority, having just written a niggling, petty piece on the subject. Let’s consider the logically precedent question to what the University of Michigan’s admissions policy ought to be: who cares? Why should the Supreme Court bother itself about the matter at all?

Like most plaintiffs in affirmative action challenges, the plaintiffs in Grutter v. Bollinger allege, first, that the school’s admissions policy violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment: “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” Roger Clegg, who unlike me is an actual lawyer, says (subscription required) that this enjoins “any state actor (including a university).” Since the University of Michigan doesn’t make or enforce any laws I find this, as an interpretation of the plain meaning of the Amendment, hard to credit. But Clegg has precedent behind him, and if he is correct, U. Mich is prohibited from discriminating by race because it takes state money.

The plaintiffs in Grutter also bring suit under Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which states that institutions that receive federal money are not permitted to discriminate on the basis of race. The Supreme Court ruled in 1984 that a university is under the auspices of federal regulation if even a single student receives federal aid, which means, of course, that the University of Michigan, along with virtually every other college and university in the country, must answer to Title VI. So U. Mich is again prohibited from discriminating because it takes federal money.

Now suppose the University of Michigan renamed itself Independence University and took neither state nor federal money. Then its admission policies would be its own business (not quite, according to current law, but pretty close). Suppose all the other colleges and universities in the country followed suit, and were thus free to set their own admissions policies. How long would affirmative action survive, buffeted by the chill winds of the marketplace? This story about Rice University, which has a less extreme or at least less frank affirmative action policy than most, gives a strong indication. (Link from Discriminations.) It would disappear, for the simple reason that highly qualified black students prefer not to have their admission tainted. So is the real problem that the University of Michigan discriminates against whites, or that it feeds at the public trough?

Private higher education in this country is dead. With the exception of a few eccentric institutions, like Hillsdale College, that refuse to accept federal money, private colleges and universities depend to such an extent on the federal government for research funds and student tuition aid that the old Berkeley Chancellor Clark Kerr, no privatizing zealot, refers to them as “federal grant universities.” Principled libertarians ought to worry a little less about affirmative action and a lot more about the gradual takeover of American higher education by the government. Eventually colleges and universities will have very little say over whom they admit, and what they teach, at all. We have the edifying model of public elementary and secondary education to look forward to. Among these ruins, to argue about affirmative action is, as Malcolm X used to say of Martin Luther King, like arguing about who gets the jobs at the post office. It’s squabbling over the spoils.

(Update: Bart Burgess comments.)